Navalny published the principles of his political platform – he called for a return to the 1991 borders and compensate for the damage from the war

On the eve of the anniversary of Russia's military invasion of Ukraine, opposition leader Alexei Navalny published his political platform, denoting "15 points of a Russian citizen who wants the best for his country." The Insider publishes Navalny's statement in full.

What was it and what is now?

1. President Putin unleashed an unjust aggressive war against Ukraine under ridiculous pretexts. He is desperately trying to give this war the status of "people's", trying to make all the citizens of Russia his accomplices, but his attempts are failing. There are almost no volunteers for this war, so Putin's army relies on prisoners and forcibly mobilized.

2. The real causes of the war are political and economic problems within Russia, Putin's desire to keep power at any cost, and his obsession with his historical legacy. He wants to go down in history as a "king-conqueror" and "gatherer of lands."

3. Tens of thousands of innocent Ukrainians were killed, pain and suffering were brought down on millions. War crimes have been committed. Cities and infrastructure of Ukraine were destroyed.

4. Russia suffers a military defeat. It was the realization of this that changed the rhetoric of the authorities from "Kyiv in three days" to hysterical threats to use nuclear weapons in case of defeat. The lives of tens of thousands of Russian soldiers have been senselessly ruined. The final military defeat can be postponed at the cost of the lives of hundreds of thousands more mobilized, but on the whole it is inevitable. The combination of "aggressive war + corruption + mediocrity of generals + weak economy + heroism and high motivation of the defenders" only results in defeat.

The Kremlin's false and hypocritical calls for negotiations and a ceasefire are nothing more than a realistic assessment of the prospects for military action.

What to do?

5. What are the borders of Ukraine? The same as in Russia – internationally recognized, defined in 1991. We, Russia, also recognized them then. Russia must recognize these borders even now. There is nothing to discuss. Almost all borders in the world are random and cause someone's discontent. But it is impossible to fight for their change in the 21st century. Otherwise, the world will plunge into chaos.

6. Leave Ukraine alone and give it the opportunity to develop as its people wish. Stop aggression, end the war and withdraw all Russian troops from the territory of Ukraine. To continue the war is just a hysteria of impotence, but to stop it is a strong move.

7. Together with Ukraine, the United States, the European Union and Britain, look for acceptable ways to compensate for the damage caused to Ukraine. For example (after the change of power in Russia and the end of the war), by lifting restrictions on our oil and gas, but with the direction of part of the income from the export of hydrocarbons for compensation.

8. Investigate war crimes in cooperation with international institutions.

Why is it in Russia's interests to stop Putin's aggression?

9. Do all Russians have an imperial consciousness?

This is bullshit. For example, Belarus is participating in the war against Ukraine. Do Belarusians also have an imperial consciousness? No, they also have a dictator in power. In Russia, as in any country with historical prerequisites for this, there will always be people with imperial views, but this is far from being the majority. There is no reason to weep and lament. Such people must be defeated in elections, just as right-wing and left-wing radicals are defeated in developed countries.

10. Does Russia need new lands?

Russia is a huge country with a declining population and a dying province. Imperialism and the desire to seize territories is the most harmful and destructive path. The Russian authorities are once again destroying our future with their own hands in order to make the country look bigger on the map. But Russia is already big. Our task is to save the people and develop what we have in abundance.

11. As a legacy of this war, we will get a tangle of complex and, at first glance, almost unsolvable problems. It is important to determine for ourselves that we really want to solve them, and then start doing it honestly and openly. The key to success lies in the understanding that for Russia and its people it will not only be good, but also very profitable to end the war as soon as possible: only in this way can we begin to move towards the lifting of sanctions, the return of those who have left, restoring business confidence, and economic growth.

12. I emphasize once again that after the war we will have to compensate Ukraine for the damage caused by Putin's aggression. But the restoration of normal economic relations with the civilized world and the return of economic growth will make it possible to do this without interfering with the development of our country. We are at the bottom, and in order to emerge, we need to push off from it. It will be morally right, and rational, and profitable.

13. Dismantling the Putin regime and its dictatorship. Ideally, through general free elections and the convening of a Constitutional Assembly.

14. The establishment of a parliamentary republic based on the succession of power through fair elections, an independent judiciary, federalism, local self-government, complete economic freedom and social justice.

15. Conscious of our history and traditions, we must be part of Europe and follow the European path of development. We have no other, and we do not need another.

In 2014, after Russia's annexation of Crimea, Navalny denounced it, but refused to call for the return of Crimea to Ukraine. In an interview with Ekho Moskvy in 2014, Navalny answered a question about the peninsula: “Crimea is what, a sandwich with sausage, or what? Bring it back and forth…"

In 2016, Navalny said he intended to hold a "normal" referendum in occupied Crimea if he won the Russian presidential election.

The text of the oppositionist published on February 20 testifies to a change in his position on this issue.

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